Sunday, January 26, 2020

Comparison of French and German Cinema, 1930-1945

Comparison of French and German Cinema, 1930-1945 Introduction The dissertation aims to analyse the effects of totalitarian politics on the cinematic tradition of two of Europes most cultured nations, Germany and France. The study of cinema during the time period, 19301945 is a highly relevant discussion; one which is infrequently dissected by serious academic debate largely due to the lack of literature on the subject in comparison to studies pertaining to the effects of fascism upon other implements of the state, in particular religion and the military. Perhaps film students of the West still find it difficult to comprehend the fact that the Nazis were such a long way in front of their competitors when it came to the influence of National Socialist propaganda on the German people. As early as 1928 Hitler had come to understand the fundamental power of utilising modern forms of propaganda in paving the way for tyrannical rule, as he outlines in a speech dated 28 November (1999:151). The more one addresses only one social class, the easier it becomes to make promises. One knows from the beginning what each class wants If you are always only addressing yourself to one category, then political propaganda becomes infinitely easy. Certainly, in tandem with pervasive fascist symbolism and the dissolution of democratic political debate, the saturation of all forms of contemporary media was the key factor in Hitlers total seduction of the German nation. As such, the topic is relevant for the twenty first century where dictators still maintain power over illeducated people whose information is pumped into them via state propaganda machines that feed off insecurity, prejudice and paranoia, as modernday Zimbabwe currently illustrates. The study will be split into chapters as cited on the title page with the aim of creating an advanced understanding of how the Nazis used cinema as a tool of tricking the German people into believing concepts such as Lebensraum and the Jewish Question were issues of national urgency. The study will likewise examine the role of the Vichy collaborators in the seduction of French people, citing the essential similarities and differences of the two in terms of filmic content and production techniques. Clearly, as the instigator of right wing cinema as a political tool of mass hysteria, the German model will be first to be discussed, though the point should be made straight away that the Vichy Regime was not merely coerced into collaboration: there was active and passionate interest in France in fascist ideology with plenty of Vichy statesmen wishing to follow the path set about by the Hitler State. At no point should it be believed that Vichy cinema was a symptom of the occupation; it wa s, and remains, a marker for French sociopolitical beliefs at the time. Famous and infamous films such as Jean Renoirs La Grande Illusion, Bertolt Brechts Kuhle Wampe and Marcel Carnes Les Enfants du Paradis will be featured within the dissertation, citing specific examples from the movies to highlight how dissenters managed to voice their disapproval in highly subtle fashions that were unique to the extreme fear experienced in fascist Europe at the time. Comparisons between movie production under the influence of occupation, dictatorship, peacetime and war will provide fuel for the debate within. A conclusion will be sought as to the overall features that appear uniform within right wing film making, in addition to citing the subtle differences in the experience of movie production under the spectre of totalitarianism, as witnessed in Germany and France between 1930 and 1945. Chapter One: The effect of fascism on German Culture, 19301945 The short lived Weimar Republic is a source of great fascination for students not only of history but also of art, culture and society. Its relevance is in its oddity: the strange timeframe it fits into either side of Kaiser Wilhelm II and the Nazi State, two of the most suffocating and frustrating regimes in European history in terms of creative and artistic achievement. The Weimar Republic was responsible for a brief burgeoning of liberal German film making, art, sculpture, music, theatre and culture that was the envy of the western world at the time. Perversely, the strict socioeconomic conditions of the day appeared to ensure that the Republic would be as frivolous as it was unfortunate; as daring as it was politically unstable. Yet, as Elssaesser (2000:151) suggests, Weimar cinema may also have made it easier for Hitler to cast his cinematic spell on the German people. What has become abundantly clear is that the cinema permeated Weimar society as a very contradictory cultural force, at once part of oppositional Modernist avantgardes and in the forefront of capitalisms own modernising tendencies (as technology, industry and fashion) and for this very reason, invested with the hopes of revolutionary changes while susceptible to being used as the instrument for their containment (in the form of specular seduction, nostalgia, propaganda.) Diversity was the key to Weimar Cinema; it was an expression of multicultural Europe that was unfortunately located in the wrong place and time. With the Prussian aristocracy, disillusioned exmilitary personnel and marginalised masses of unemployed, the Weimar Republic was insufficiently prepared to withstand a structured coup from within when it inevitably came. Furthermore, the liberalism of the Republic gave added ammunition to the nascent Nazi State, giving Hitler and his propaganda minister, Josef Goebbels a readymade scapegoat for the deplorable state of German infrastructure during the early part of the 1930s. Indeed, it was Goebbels (1993:159) who highlighted the condition of the German nation before the National Socialists came to power in 1933 the state of the nation according to fascist eyes. Had it not been for the National Revolution, Germany would have been completely swissified, a nation of hotel porters and waiters, a nation having no political sense whatsoever that had lost any idea of its own historical significance. The effect of a onedimensional, intensely political approach to cultural affairs meant a surgical shift in the prism through which German society charted its progress between 1918 and 1933, and 1933 to 1945. Most art and film historians see the change that occurred in German culture after 1933, with the infamous burning of the books (May 1933) and mass emigration of a wealth of indigenous creative talent, as symptomatic of authoritarianism throughout the world. Bland, repetitive instances of film making and culture took the place of innovation and the first seedlings of avantgarde technique. Aesthetics and the human form took on added significance. Heavy handed plot lines guided the viewer of both art and cinema along a straightforward journey to the ideological heart of work without trusting the audience with the even the slightest semblance of individual reasoning. These are the popular images of authoritarian art forms promulgated after the defeat of fascism in Europe. Yet it would be incorrect to assume that German film making after 1933 was merely an exercise in retrospective propaganda studies; as shall be discussed in following chapters, Goebbels was fond of puncturing all genres of movies with National Socialist ideals with the result that a kaleidoscope of imagery is available to the twenty first century film student, each portraying a different vision of the fascist dream. It should come as little surprise to students of history to see a broad similarity between movies made in Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia: both countries relied upon eradicating the opposition and portraying the leader in an invincible light. Censorship at home and at the national borders also meant that fewer foreign films were being shown; those very few that made it past the German borders having to be screened first by the Nazis in order to gain an audience inside of Germany. Furthermore, the considerable risk that a film maker ran of being arrested, taken to concentration camp or even killed because of making a statement that the Nazi hierarchy did not favour was too great for all but the most ideologically driven of artists to bear. The result was an exodus of talent from Germany and a narrowing of vision to the extent that diversity, as a description of German cinema, became a complete misnomer. Art and cinema in the Third Reich were thus reduced to an entity in support of the regime; the hand over of the baton of creativity to autocracy was assisted by the state overhaul of existing cultural ministries. As part of the broader policy of Gleischaltung (coordination) the Reich Chamber of Culture (established in November 1933) oversaw this new breed of politicised movie making and art that presented a ludicrously perfect form of the Aryan man, engaged in the typical German pursuits of sport, work and family, as Seligmann et al (2003:50) detail. Images depicted Germans not just as modern day heroes but also as the heirs to Europes greatest cultural and imperial tradition, that of Alexander the Great and Caesar. As Aryans and National Socialists were elevated to the status of hero, so the Nazis used cinema and indeed every tool of popular culture at its disposal to reenforce the slide of the enemy into the sociological abyss. Over a short period of time, the Jews took over from the Weimar Republic and the Communists as the central target of Nazi abuse as one by one the political enemies of the state were made obsolete, leaving the racial enemies of the state as the sole carriers of the burden of national pariahs. Propaganda and film would play a disconcertingly influential role in the social facilitation of the Holocaust the essential psychological background whereby a nation might be made complicit in mass, statesponsored murder. As the violence and oppression against the Jews (and against gypsies, the handicapped and homosexuals) was increased, so the state began to use film and culture as a means to making the population complicit in their racial crimes. Reichskristallnacht (89 November 1938), for example, was a stateignited campaign of hatred against Jewry that was completed by the ordinary German people, a spontaneous orgy of destruction that would have been unimaginable were it not for the driptap effect of incessant fascist film making and media saturation, as Kershaw (2000:1412) underscores. The scale and nature of the savagery, and the apparent aim of maximising degradation and humiliation, reflected the success of propaganda in demonising the figure of the Jew certainly within the organisations of the Party itself and massively enhanced the process, underway since Hitlers takeover of power, of dehumanising Jews and excluding them from German society a vital step on the way to genocide. Der Erwige Jude (The Eternal Jew), the most extreme example of film utilised as a weapon of war, was a blatant and extreme vision of the life of common Jewry; the degradation of the living condition in the Warsaw Ghettoes providing the inspiration for the movies creator, Josef Goebbels who visited the area in 1940. The film portrayed Jews as vermin, cementing the belief in the viewer (coupled with state newspaper and radio) that the Jews were not only the enemy of the state but, more importantly, subhuman. As with all aspects of Nazi Germany, the murderous end effect can only be understood by taking the gradual desensitisation of the nation into account, a phenomenon that propaganda and film were instrumental in helping to bring about. Chapter Two: Occupied France: Vichy Collaboration in Moulding the Image of Fascist Europe The French experience of film was, until the continentwide rise of fascism, much the same as in Germany even if there were also fundamental differences between the two countries that made the transition from democracy to authoritarianism a more traumatic experience for the French, one that the nation has still not fully come to terms with. To start with, France, more than any other European nation, is synonymous with high culture, art and vision, characterised as the trend setting nation for creativity throughout the western world. Via Marcel Duchamp, for example, France was home to the origination of abstract art, his sculpture, Fountain (1917) often cited as a watershed in art and visual intention in the history of the West. In addition, France had dictatorship thrust upon it in a different way to the Germans. Clearly, autocracy can only arise from it being forcibly imposed on a population, yet in Germany it was Germans taking control of their own people, whereas, after the symbolic signing of the armistice on 22 June 1940, the French were dictated to by Germany from the vantage point of a vanquished nation. Therefore, there was more a sense of cultural partition between France in the 1930s and France in the 1940s that was not the case over the Alsace border into Germany. This starting point of a nation being defeated in war has been, ultimately, the greatest stumbling block regarding a better historical comprehension of the excesses of Vichy both from within and outside of French borders: for as long as the French were willing to rewrite history to paint the picture of a demoralised people who were fundamentally opposed to the right wing ideology of National Socialism, the country would be unable to see its true reflection. However, after the accumulation of two generations of historiography, Vichy was gradually deemed to be an active collaborator in the extremism that was witnessed in French culture and politics between 1940 and 1945 rather than a government coerced into cooperation. Marshall Pà ©tain may have been little more than a puppet figurehead, but he represented a large sector of conservative France that wished to eradicate the achievements of the artistic and philosophical endeavour of the early twentieth century so as to reembrace outmod ed notions of colonial France. Indeed, the right wing bloc who made up the core of the Vichy government were sympathetic to the anti-Semitic views of the Nazis the botched military trial of Captain Alfred Dreyfus for spying in 1894 highlighting a chequered history of a country that had barely bothered to even notice its own deeply resentful views concerning the Jews. The official separation of Church and State by law in 1905 merely paid lip service to a deepseated problem of prejudice in France. Although France had changed geographically, ethnically, politically and culturally between the two decades, a certain sense of continuity is detectable in French cinema of the period, which was certainly not the case in Germany. This was due to a combination of German censorship and genuine Vichy desire to ignore the shameful effect of the Occupation. As JeanPierre Jeancolas attests in his essay on the 1945 Vichy sponsored picture, Les Enfants du Paradis (2000:78), the realism that French cinema was so famous for showed no signs of cracking after 1940. The occupation of France in 1940, the control direct or indirect of its cinema by the German forces, condemned use of the present tense. Fiction films were allowed, at best, to portray a kind of vague present day, a period which had the appearance of the present, but not its singular hardships: the cars or the costumes are of 1943, but the French are depicted in light-hearted romantic entanglements, stories that never show the daily problems of finding food, or the presence of Nazi uniforms. Mention must be made of the division in France after her capitulation in 1940. Put simply, the country was split into half via north and south, whereby Paris, Brittany and the northern shores were deemed to be part of a territory called Free France, while the southern part of the nation, including major cities such Marseilles and Bordeaux (both of which had large ethnic and Jewish communities) was placed under the control of the Vichy Government. Vichy struggled to unite the two divisions until 1943 at the earliest, a time which signalled an increase in French resistance as, after the Battle of Stalingrad (February 1943) the sense of a slow protracted capitulation in the East led to a renewed sense of optimism in the West. It is important, therefore, to recognise the difficulty in defining a singular French brand of cinema after 1940. There were noticeable anomalies in how the Germans treated the two main zones. Newsreel propaganda, for instance, was different: in the Occupied Zone, cinemas screened antiBritish German newsreels, while in the Unoccupied Zone, Vichy largely steered clear of any mention of the war of the German presence in France at all. It is likewise important to recognise that the Vichy propaganda machine was not under the same level of autocratic control as was the case in Germany. There was no allpowerful figurehead to rival Goebbels in France. Pierre Laval was the clearest comparison to him but the Deputy Prime Minister spent much of his time in Paris negotiating with the Germans. In addition, Laval believed fervently in the power of broadcast media as the fundamental tool to seduce a weary population, neglecting largely the cinema and music. Furthermore, Laval delegated control of the propaganda machine to Paul Marion after 1942, which meant a discernible lack of leadership. A comparable model to Goebbels extensive communications system cannot be found in Vichy France. However, this does not mean to say that the Vichy Government was without persuasion or an ideology of its own. Although Occupied France was under the control of Germany, Vichy was given leeway in terms of national reeducation and, as the administration grew more secure in the southern part of the country (coinciding with entire divisions of German troops leaving France to fight on the increasingly demoralising Eastern Front), so a discernibly French model of fascism was seen in all walks of life, extending quickly to the national movie community. Continuity in all areas is the chief characteristic of Vichy cinema. As beforehand, Paris remained the creative hub of wartime France; many of the cast and directors of the films of the thirties remained to star in Vichy pictures. Jean Gabin and Michele Morgan were two big name stars who fled the country, but the rest mostly remained in France and continued to work. The Germans did not permit French films to cross the demarcation line until February 1941 when it became apparent that the same stifling effect of authoritarianism was prevalent in French as well as German cinema: there was no question of antiGerman films being shown because they were not being made. As a rule, movies produced during the Vichy years were unanimously nostalgic. As in the 1930s, many of the movies of the early 1940s were scripted around the French experience of World War One, characterising the recent experiences of the nation in the form of one actor or actress. The core Vichy values of family, la patrie and duty were cited in almost every film of the period, such as La Voile Bleue (1942), an anachronistic view of rural southern France that was the biggest commercial success of the forties in France. However, as Julian Jackson (2001:3201) details and contrary to popular belief, there was not a plethora of explicit right wing propaganda present in films made on the fascist side of the Vichy watershed. Paradoxically, many themes that one might expect to have figured more prominently after 1940, almost disappeared from the screen. Before 1940, many French films contained critical portrayals of British characters; after 1940 the British are absent. Before 1940 films had frequently depicted Germans sympathetically; after 1940, despite collaboration, Germans almost disappear from the screen. In the 1930s, antagonism to foreigners had been a frequent theme; after 1940 it was less present. Most surprisingly of all, whereas hostile depictions of Jews had proliferated in the 1930s, they are almost absent after 1940 As far as feature films are concerned, if they reflect anything different from the films of the 1930s it is Vichys desperate wish to believe the outside world did not exist. If a viewer was unaware of the historical subtext of the films produced during the 1930s and 1940s in France, they would not know occupation occurred at any point. But perhaps this was precisely the point: to cover over the huge dent in national pride at having to endure occupation by pretending that it did not exist. Learning from Goebbels, Vichy would also have been aware that, regarding propaganda, less can often mean more. Chapter Three: Josef Goebbels and the Intervention of Propaganda Cinema Unlike in France where a clear line of cinematic continuity can be traced, in Germany there is little doubt that movies made pre1933 would not be funded under Nazi rule. Kuhle Wampe (1932), for instance, was a decidedly Weimar production. The film was written and coproduced by Bertolt Brecht who was known within Germany to be a left wing film maker and sympathiser, yet one who did not favour the heavyhanded film making approach, as the following excerpt (1996:138) underscores. This way of subordinating everything to a single idea, this passion for propelling the spectator along a single track where he can look neither right nor left, up nor down, is something that the new school of play righting must reject. Betraying such antiauthoritarian views, it is no surprise that Kuhle Wampe turned out to be a socialist classic, an art house production made all the more poignant due to the cusp of the historical wave upon which contemporary Germany was riding. Brechts vision of a utopian community that rejects pricefixing and imperialism has been viewed as the last independent breathe of Weimar culture the final flourish before people such as the writer left Germany forever. Films such as Kuhle Wampe, as well as The Threepenny Opera, Kameradschaft and The Blue Angel all produced between 1930 and 1932 ensured that the shift, when it inevitably came, towards the right was all the more transparent because pictures such as these simply ceased to exist in Germany after 1933. Propaganda and cinema were married in the Third Reich like never before. Deconstruction of the pluralist approach of Weimars brief democratic tradition was the first step the Nazis took in reconfiguring the German nation in their own distorted image, followed inevitably by the edification of a new mythology, built exclusively around the twin pillars of the ubiquitous power of the Fuhrer and the antiGerman predilections of the communists and international Jewry. At first, of the two, the Fuhrer Myth was the most important solidifying effect in the Nazi consolidation of power. Hitler had learnt from Mussolini the herald of Fascism according to Hugh TrevorRoper (1995:174) that a tyrant could exert sole control over a modern, industrial European country but only via eliminating all competing iconography and elevating the leader to a quasireligious status, which could only be achieved by extensive propaganda exercises. As Ian Kershaw (1998:289) explains, the all encompassing image of Hitler portrayed in banners across German cities, in schools and in cinemas throughout the nation was vital not only in securing the stability of the Nazi State but also in making a subliminal connection between himself and the traditional heroes of German history within the broader national consciousness. For Hitler himself, the Fuhrer myth was both a propaganda weapon and a central tenet of belief. His own greatness could be implicitly but unmistakably underscored by repeated reference to Bismarck, Frederick the Great and Luther. Initially, even Goebbels was taken aback by the way in which the Nazis were able to instil their extremism throughout the country. A process that should have been osmotic took place with astonishing rapidity, as the Propaganda Minister (1996:41) himself explained in April 1933. What we are now experiencing is only the transfer of our own dynamism and legality to the state. This is taking place with such breathtaking speed that one scarcely has any time to call his own. Goebbels considered himself to be a man of culture and the filmmakers that he most admired did not come from the right wing stock that one would naturally associate with the Propaganda Minister. For example, Goebbels was a big fan of American cinema and he privately thought that the film making industry in the United States was far ahead of German production to that point. One of his favourite movies, although he denounced it in public, was Gone with the Wind, and he was likewise a great fan of the icon of Soviet propagandist cinema, Eisensteins Battleship Potemkin. Within the broader sphere of German film making during the period 1935 to 1945, Goebbels was the most important man in the country. All of the guidelines pertaining to film production in the postsilent era were rewritten after the Nazis seized power. As ever, culture and film became officially politicised and, as a by-product of Gleischaltung, the movie production apparatus fell into the hands of the Reich Ministry for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda. Therefore, without Goebbels patronage a film would never make it past the level of script. His control was absolute, even extending to the question of financing production. Whereas under the Weimar Republic censorship and rating were separate bodies, the Nazis held onto both principles offering a tax rebate for positive film ratings, thus exerting considerable financial pressure on production companies that persisted in making unsatisfactory films. Reuth (1993:1945), in his rich biography of Goebbels, details the full extent of his control over movie making in Germany during this period, a description of a cultural power more potent than any available to the leader of each of the German Armed Forces. He had lists prepared of his favourite actors, as well as of Hitlers. He also kept close track of upandcoming talent, which he insisted on seeing for himself producers also depended on Goebbels favour, for he had created a comprehensive apparatus that allowed him to intervene in all phases of film production. The film department in the Propaganda Ministry, whose director Ernst Seeger served simultaneously as head of the office of film standards, oversaw production planning. All screenplays were examined for appropriate artistic and intellectual attitudes He [Goebbels] read film scripts almost every evening, and not infrequently revised them according to his own notions, using a green ministers pencil that became infamous among directors. Only after he had approved a project could the Film Credit Bank respond to a request for financing. Goebbels would even intervene in the shooting, often dropping in on studio, checking the rushes, and rating the finished product. From October 1935 on , he alone determined which films would be banned. Goebbels was the first head of communications anywhere in the autocratic world to understand the power of cinema in seducing a country; combined with his absolute control over all areas of broadcasting, films would see to it that Germans saw no other image of themselves apart from the vision in his mind for over ten years. However, this is not to state that films made in Germany during this period ought to be dismissed as wasteful propaganda, good for nothing but a lens through which to view National Socialist ideals. As will become apparent, a great many German productions of this time were goodhumoured, light hearted affairs that do not conform to the preconceived notion of a nation forced to watch endless versions of Der Erwige Jude and similarly dark depictions of dictatorship. Although many films were made that were instantly recognisable as party political broadcasts, such as Patrioten (1937), there were likewise others that provided a more panoramic view of Germanys splintered cultural psyche during the Third Reich. The following two chapters will examine two polar opposites of Third Reich cinema Heimatfilme and Exilfilme two bookends of the typically Nazi notion of home and abroad. As always when revisiting the ideology of National Socialism, there was very little room for any grey area in between extremes Chapter Four: Heimatfilme 47.8 per cent of the films produced during the Third Reich were comedies, 27 per cent were problem films, 11.2 per cent were adventure stories and only 14 per cent were considered outright propaganda films (Reuth, 1993:283). One of the most cherished German films of all time, Die Feuerzangenbowle (1944) was made during the darkest most desperate days of the war when all but the most closeted and narrow minded of Nazis could see that the war was never going to end in a German victory. The story, involving a mature student who never got to enjoy the hilarity of public school, could not have been, aesthetically and emotionally, further away from the politics of the time. But that was the point all along. By manipulating the mood of the audience, the Nazi propaganda state could change focus as and when external events demanded it. Die Feuerzangenbowle, for instance, might never have been produced if it was created during the honeymoon period of the early years of the dictatorship. Clearly, propaganda can be inserted into a storyline via more subtle camera and plot techniques and this is how Goebbels set about reenforcing core ideals into the German film loving audience. According to Reuth (1993:284), Goebbels and the Nazi propaganda machine preferred a more pervasive approach to political persuasion, especially concerning the most important issue of armed conflict on two fronts. Goebbels saw to it that the war, which became the main theme in films from 1939 on, was linked to the most varied genres, so as to make indoctrination of the audience imperceptible and keep the medium of film attractive. As he expected of all his propaganda ideally, so too in film, one and the same message was to be conveyed over and over again under constantly varied aspects. Of all the creative, cinematic options open to Goebbels, the most popular genre favoured by the Nazi hierarchy was the Heimatfilme, a uniquely German cinematic experience that played on the national obsession with the homeland. Apart from Austria, no other European country has the same nostalgic disposition towards artistic portrayal of the homeland quite like Germany. Because the nation was only unified after the FrancoPrussian War in 1871, successive generations of German film makers consistently looked back to the patriarchal preindustrial period inciting dreamy landscapes and a simple way of life to try to evoke the sense of longing the displaced German people of the countryside may have felt before unification. Manuala Von Papen (1999:12) highlights the reasons why Heimatfilme appealed to the Nazi leadership. This seems to be a genre virtually exclusive to the German-speaking countries and therefore untranslatable. Heimat means home, but also much more than that; it also stands for the entirety of ones cultural, social, ethical and historical heritage and provides an individual, a group of a whole nation with their identity, their Heimatgefà ¼hl. Clearly, the notions of volk (people) and heimat (home) were central concepts to the longevity of National Socialism. By combining the two, Heimatfilme leant the Nazis the opportunity to pander to the broader European taste for nostalgia as well as reenforcing the belief that Hitler was the true defender of German interests abroad. In a revolutionary move in light of the despotism of the regime, the Third Reich severed the equation of dictatorship with brainwashing propaga

Saturday, January 18, 2020

Managing challenges for the 21st century

â€Å"Drucker's ideas continue to display a force and resonance that leave him pretty much in a class by himself. It is impossible to read the man without learning a lot.† —Fortune Magazine Advent of globalization has reformatted the business principles and this book is a perfect guide to show the way to conquer new world which is more dynamic, confident and aggressive. Before Peter Drucker, most people thought about their businesses with a manufacturing mindset, defining a business based on what it produced. Today, the marketing mindset prevails. It was Drucker's critical insight that instead of buying a â€Å"product† the customer buys the satisfaction of a need. Drucker has reinvented the management principles to make them fit into the present world and can be proved more suitable in the current management framework. Drucker identifies new assumptions for the social discipline of management.  He has claimed that Management is NOT only for profit-making businesses but Management is the specific and distinguishing organ of any and all organizations. This revolutionary concept can bow the seed of future methods of business and can turn around the whole institutive scenario to create a completely different set of business leaders. Gone are the days when companies were making big profits and hence were focusing the management principles only towards profit earnings. Today’s world is flat and the competitions are monopolistic, in fact tends to perfect competition. In this scenario adhering to old management principles are like suicide. Second assumption is that never think that there is only one right organization which is again very relevant in present context. He has made a significant point over management of people. In Drucker’s view, One does not â€Å"manage† people. The task is to lead people. And the goal is to make productive the specific strengths and knowledge of each individual. Next assumption he made is that technologies and End-Users are NOT fixed and given. Increasingly, neither technology nor end-use is a foundation of management policy. They are limitations. The foundations have to be customer values and customer decisions on the distribution of their disposable income. It is with those that management policy and management strategy increasingly will have to start. Drucker’s book critically emphasizes the role of customer in today’s market scenario. He focuses on the point that now customer are the central point and business has to start and end at customer. Three things are important to run an effective business set up in present marketplace and that is customer, customer and only customer. Business has to be woven around the needs of the customer and ultimate goal should be customer satisfaction. He has quoted next assumption saying that Management's scope is NOT only legally defined. The new assumption on which management, both as a discipline and as a practice, will increasingly have to base itself is that the scope of management is not legal. It has to be operational. It has to embrace the entire process. It has to be focused on results and performance across the entire economic chain. He also said that Management's scope is NOT only politically defined. National boundaries are important primarily as restraints. The practice of management  Ã¢â‚¬â€œ and by no means for business only  Ã¢â‚¬â€œ will increasingly have to be defined operationally rather than politically. This assumption has to be adopted by new world immediately in light of the â€Å"open world concept† and â€Å"world is flat† concept. Seventh assumption he made on the organizational atmosphere. He explained that the Inside is NOT the only Management domain. The results of any institution exist ONLY on the outside. Management exits for the sake of the institution's results. It has to start with the intended results and organize the resources of the institution to attain these results. It is the organ that renders the institution, whether business, church, university, hospital or a battered woman's shelter, capable of producing results outside of itself. Lastly he declared the most important assumption that Management’s concern and management's responsibility are everything that affects the performance of the institution and its results – whether inside or outside, whether under the institution's control or totally beyond it. This way he brought the managerial concept at the core of all the issues whether be political or economical or anything. His point of opinion is that the new world will be a economic world where money will be the most important thing and managerial discipline are the most efficient organ of the nation which can help keeping the country self sufficient and create bonhomie everywhere. Therefore Drucker explains in a instructive tone that managers has to be responsible and they have to start thinking out of the box to consistently keep taking the extra steps in right direction. In the course of the discussions, Drucker also addresses the ultimate challenge of managing oneself while still meeting the demands on the individual during a longer working life and in an ever-changing workplace. He has always understood that people are deeply-and rightly-resistant to being â€Å"managed.† This point is especially relevant for knowledge workers, who know more about their jobs than their bosses do. For them, supervision is a special kind of hell. This is why good managers help people manage themselves by focusing consistently on performance and results and by teaching them, often by example, to think about what they are good at, how they learn, what they value. Such self-knowledge is essential to performance. Drucker has also introduced the effect of being a change leader. In the course of discussion he gives four requirements for change leadership:- 1. Polices to make the future. 2. Systematic methods to look for and to anticipate change. 3. The right way to introduce change, both within and outside the organization. 4. Policies to balance change and continuity. In chapter-4, Drucker has navigated through the concept of information technology. Information is no doubt the most important tool to create a successful business setups. Drucker describes the new information revolution that is gaining momentum as follows. So far, for fifty years, Information Technology has centered on DATA -their collection, storage, transmission, presentation. It has focused on the ‘T' in ‘IT'. The new information revolutions focus on the ‘I'. They ask, ‘what is the MEANING of information and its PURPOSE?' And this is leading rapidly to redefining the tasks to be done with the help of information and, with it, to redefining the institutions that do these tasks.† As long as the world continues to become more complex and specialized, information management is essentially a critical part of all businesses and act as blood and vein for industry. The last chapter of the book, managing oneself, is completely devoted to the individual. Drucker advises persons to work on their strengths in order to maximize performance. Conclusion: This book is highly recommended for tyros and young turks. This book is envisaging enough eye opener facts, which can help company grow to the maximum level by reinventing and managing the organizational principles and the level of knowledge workers who will face new challenges in the 21st century. Incisive, challenging, and mind-stretching, Drucker's new book is forward-looking and forward thinking. It combines the broad knowledge, wide practical experience, profound insight, sharp analysis, and enlightened common sense that are the essence of Drucker's writings, which are continuing international bestsellers and â€Å"landmarks of the managerial profession† (Harvard Business Review).            

Friday, January 10, 2020

The Battle Over Art History Essay Topics and How to Win It

The Battle Over Art History Essay Topics and How to Win It I am certain that many different colleges do, too! Students lead busy lives and frequently forget about an approaching deadline. If a student believes that it's simple to select what things to compose about, that student isn't right. Sometimes though, students or busy teachers have a little trouble creating ideas. The 5-Minute Rule for Art History Essay Topics Using NFL jerseys is extremely common. With personalized jerseys of the NFL, you are certain that you've got the ideal design. Locating a cheap NFL jersey has been a daunting undertaking for a number of the hardcore fans in spite of the team they support for. Art History Essay Topics Features Most art historians consist of formal analysis sooner or later in their essays, so there are a great deal of examples to have a look at in the textbook and other readings, but you are going to most likely have to be more in-depth than they are. The fundamental question s of art history often appear in a couple of traditional varieties of assignments. If you're discussing a particular art movement, you can want to use a chronological format. AP Art History was made to allow students to examine important forms of artistic expression related to a range of cultures evident in wide selection of periods from present times into the past. When you analyze what sort of assignment you're given, you'll need to review resources that will let you answer that sort of question. You also have to settle on a particular structure. A stylistic analysis will acquaint you with a number of the bigger historical trends and forces in the culture and the way they influenced the growth of art. The pure formal analysis is the sole paper in which description alone is enoughso if you're requested to compare two objects, don't just list their similar and various qualities. Art has been part of human civilization since the days of the very first cave dwellers and perhaps even before then. The way the Renaissance period altered the area of art and the world itself as an outcome. Art class is a huge location for students to acquire their hands busy and express themselves. The experience of the viewer would be limited to his understanding of the specific religious scene. There's no exception for art. Have a look at the works of two unique artists who handle the theme of modernization or industry. In case the distinct mummified person was rich, almost all of these extra items could be made from gold, though some other precious riches might also be included in the tomb too. Many professors have used Taylor's book sooner or later, so bear that in mind. When students learn how to compare and contrast unique themes, styles and approaches to art, they really consider what characterizes different facets of art history. Many students don't get an opportunity to study art history till they take a college program, so art history might be a new area of study for you. Take advantage of these suggestions to get students digging in their favourite artist. Consider the field of art you're really fond of. Given, it's a view that's cynical may or may not reflect the actual motives of this holisticians,' as I call them. His stele depicts an extremely reverential scene. Art from this era geared toward capturing the know-how of the individual plus attractiveness of the standard planet. What's Actually Going on with Art History Essay Topics As you're learning how to compose an art essay, look at writing down questions that you may opted to answer within the range of your essay. Despite the fact that you pay for homework, we provide those options free of charge. The absolute most important articles will concentrate on patient-centred imaging and quality processes. Term papers are usually meant to describe a Research Paper on Art. This writer will subsequently start paper your dissertation to your precise instructions. Advice for Writers The student who desires to understand how to compose an art essay can approach the job in much the identical way he or she might write any other paper. One of the typical formats utilized by students who have learned how to compose an art essay is to construct the paper so the true theme or topic sentence can be found at the conclusion of the essay. No one in the history of school has ever requested to compose a term paper but with preparation and a superb subject, you can produce the research fun and receive a fantastic grade.

Thursday, January 2, 2020

Essay about The Importance of Keeping Appointments

Article 86 of the Uniform Code Of Military Justice. This Article covers Point and Place of Duty. That means from PT formation to COB that is where you will be. What a lot of Soldiers do not understand that includes appointments made by them or someone else. We have appointment times, SP times, formation times and many other start times that dictate we will be there. If a Convoy has an SP time of fifteen hundred hours and the Soldiers decide to show up late because they did not feel like getting ready on time people could die. If they rolled out on time, they may have avoided the ambush or avoided the Vbid that hit them in the bottleneck. It sounds extreme but time management plays a critical role in the Army.†¦show more content†¦Not only does it cost time but it also cost money. It cost the Army to have Doctors there for the Soldiers to see, it cost money to have people there to work CIF, Finance, Household Goods and many other facets of the Army. The majority of these sectors are run by civilians now who are paid hourly. Some of them might be working on a day off because a Soldier made an appointment with them. That right there cost the Army money that would have otherwise been saved. Now that the Soldier missed the appointment they caused the Army to waste a certain amount of money that could have been used for another area. Now let’s look at the math. If you have ten Soldiers that each make an appointment and each person they are suppose to see has an average hourly wage of thirteen dollars an hour and each work an eight hour day when they where suppose to be off that comes out to $104 per person. Now ten employees multiplied by $104 comes out too $1040. If all ten soldiers miss their appointments you can see the amount of money that was wasted because ten Soldiers decided not to show up. That also comes out to almost $400,000 over the course of the year. Just imagine if that happened every at every installation. The cost would be astronomical. The thing is this not just isolated to Company, Battalion or even Brigade level. Its Army wide and it’s something that is has become out of control. I myself am guilty of it. I made an appointment with the Army’s stop smoking class.Show MoreRelatedThe Importance of Keeping Appointments998 Words   |  4 PagesThe Importance of Keeping Appointments I am writing this essay as a plan of action because I managed to miss a scheduled appointment. Missing a scheduled appointment may seem like a rather minute infraction but if you think about it and trace it back far enough it has a negative impact on all parties involved it effects the army as a whole, the government, tax dollars, every American and possible most of the population of the planet even if they don’t know it or feel an impact from it on someRead MoreBellevue / Nyus Program For Survivors Of Torture843 Words   |  4 Pagescompleted because it was an inconvenience for the nursing staff, which cause doctors to take on the responsibility, prolonging the wait time for appointments. Generally, the staff does not speak to the clients with respect or consideration. Clients do not have the opportunity to voice their concerns, and at times will leave the clinic before their appointment due to a prolonged wait-time. 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Cleaning the tongue will decrease the amount of bacteria in the mouth and improve the overall cleanliness of the oral cavity. It is important for him to clean his teeth, tongue, gingiva and mucosa because microorganismsRead More`Hitler Became Chancellor in January 1933 Because He Was Leader of the Most Popular Party in Germ any. ` How Far Do You Agree with This Judgement?1563 Words   |  7 PagesAlthough their popularity contributed to Hitler`s appointment as Chancellor, it can be argued that there were more dominant factors that assisted Hitler in his rise to power. The prematurity of the government is often seen as the underlying factor; however some historians argue that the actions of Hindenburg, Von Papen and the desperation gave Hitler the final push in the direction of chancellorship. 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